(Originally published at Jacobin as "Helen Keller Was One of the Great American Socialists")
In March 1915, the Workers’
Chronicle ran an article syndicated by Appeal to Reason,
the most popular socialist newspaper in the United States, titled “Learning
From Comrade Helen Keller.” The Chronicle was a weekly
newspaper representing “the center of Socialism” in Kansas, a state in which
Eugene Debs had won 7 percent of the vote in the previous presidential election
on the Socialist Party of America (SPA) ticket.
Occasioned by a recent lecture
Keller gave to the Central Teachers’ Association in Oklahoma City, the article
praised the message being spread by “Comrade Keller” as both orator and
example. In the lecture, Keller reiterated the stock tale of her journey from
an uneducated blind and deaf seven-year-old to a world-famous college graduate,
scholar, and author thanks to the innovative pedagogy employed by Anne Sullivan
(of latter-day Miracle
Worker fame).
She then proceeded to a brief
discourse on the subject of happiness: “Not the pleasant things alone that one
can get out of life, but the things that can be done for others are the ones
worth striving for.”
“Her whole story,” reflected
the Chronicle, “speaks eloquently of what can be done for all
children everywhere, when sane economic conditions give them a chance to
develop.”
This point was more than
intimated by Keller herself during the lecture. When an audience member asked
if it was true that she was a socialist, Keller — who had publicly accepted an
offer of honorary membership in the Pittsburg, Kansas, local chapter of the SPA
the previous year — quickly replied: “Oh, yes, because it is the only way out
of the muddle humanity is in at the present time.”
Keller’s accomplishments,
the Chronicle argued by way of conclusion, ought to both
reproach and inspire
those of us who are sometimes
discouraged by the seeming great odds against the Socialist movement. When but
a fraction of the same willpower and determination that has characterized Helen
Keller’s life is infused into the Socialist movement, the Co-operative
Commonwealth will not be far distant.
Contradictions at Noontide
Aside from providing a glimpse
into the breadth of popularity enjoyed by the socialist movement in the early
twentieth-century United States, this vignette captures many of the
contradictions that characterized the lives of both Helen Keller and the
socialist movement during this period.
These contradictions orbit
around questions of disability and the role of disabled people within social
movements and society at large; ideology and theoretical conceptualizations of
how social transformation occurs; political organization and the role of party
formations in bringing about the socialist “commonwealth”; and, finally,
intersectional tension and disjuncture in the person of Keller herself along
lines of class, gender, disability, politics, and economics.
For many in the SPA during this
era, the path to socialism in the United States was a simple, almost
ineluctable, matter. They assumed that socialism was a perfectly rational
conceptual model of society in contrast to that of capitalism, and that most
people would ultimately accede to rational solutions when they were
convincingly articulated (hence the title Appeal to Reason).
Victory was thus merely a matter of spreading the gospel through an
ever-expanding base of members, voters, newspapers, electoral candidacies, and
government officeholders.
In this schema, the timetable
of socialism mainly depended upon the degree of willpower exerted by its
adherents. To this end, one could effectively deploy the archetype of Helen
Keller as an impelling challenge to socialist activists. Of course, the unspoken
premise behind such inspirational (or reproachful) appeals was that the
readership of the Workers’ Chronicle, for instance, did not share
Keller’s “endowed” deficits and therefore had little excuse for inactivity.
In a way, this
inspiration-laden use of the persona of Helen Keller — as “she who overcame”
disability — represents a mere conversion of the disability trope so often
instrumentalized in a bourgeois framework: “If this unfortunate handicapped
person can succeed in life, then you have no excuse!”
In the context of the socialist
movement, such canards are even more jarring, as it is precisely among the
lower and working classes of society that rates of disablement are
disproportionately high. Moreover, working-class disabled people are far more likely
to be impoverished, lacking advanced education and the kind of material
resources that made such “miracles” as Helen Keller’s success possible.
While Keller explicitly and
conscientiously recognized the difference between her own social circumstances
and those of most disabled people, she nonetheless tended to lean into her
“branding” as a sort of Wonder of the World. This in turn readily lent itself
to such awe-inspired sentiments as were expressed by the Workers’
Chronicle.
It is important to note, however,
that Keller had been virtually trained from childhood to play such a role — if
not on behalf of the socialist movement, then at least on behalf of the
progressive-reformist variant of bourgeois liberalism, which swelled between
the 1880s and 1910s.